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DESCRIPTIVE PHENOMENOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGICAL METHOD: AN EXAMPLE OF
A METHODOLOGY SECTION FROM DOCTORAL DISSERTATION
Rodger E. Broomé
Saybrook University
San Francisco, California
November 2011
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Abstract
DESCRIPTIVE PHENOMENOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGICAL METHOD: AN EXAMPLE OF
A METHODOLOGY SECTION FROM DOCTORAL DISSERTATION
Rodger E. Broomé
Saybrook University
This paper is the methodology section of my doctoral dissertation that outlines the
Descriptive Phenomenological Psychological Method of research as it has been taught to me by
Amedeo P. Giorgi. Giorgi (2009) based his method on Husserl’s descriptive phenomenological
philosophy as an alternative epistemology for human science research. This method section
references Giorgi’s work and the phenomenological tradition of Husserl, Merleau-Ponty and
others. Each step of Giorgi’s (2009) modified Husserlian method is described and explained in
the context of doing psychological research on the lived-experience of the participants in my
dissertation research. The steps are: (1) assume the phenomenological attitude, (2) read entire
written account for a sense of the whole, (3) delineate meaning units, (4) transform the meaning
units into psychologically sensitive statements of their lived-meanings, and (5) synthesize a
general psychological structure of the experience base on the constituents of the experience. It is
the first-person psychological perspective that is sought so that an empathetic position can be
adopted by the end-user of the research.
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Methodology
Descriptive Phenomenological Psychological Method
Historically, psychology has worked diligently to constitute itself as one of the natural
sciences (studies concerned with the physical world) through the adoption of their values and
procedures. In doing so, much of psychological inquiry has involved the use of controlled
environments or controlled aspects of environments and some form of quantified abstraction and
measurement procedures (Giorgi, 1985). Beginning with the application of experimental
procedures psychological inquiries became about studying behavior in the form of preplanned
events confined within contrived environments (laboratories) requiring the (1) isolation of
phenomena, (2) the systematic manipulation of variables, and (3) repeatability of the process
(Romanyshyn & Whalen, 1989). The isolation of psychological phenomena from their natural
contexts into the “sterile laboratory” contexts of experimental methods presupposes that the
phenomena exists independent of the context in which it is found in everyday life. The first of
these procedures assumes that the more the researcher isolates the phenomena from natural
situational “contaminants,” the more neutral the context becomes which renders the phenomena
into a condition of greater abstraction or purity (Romanyshyn & Whalen, 1989). In a natural
science such as chemistry, it makes complete sense to isolate atoms and compounds from one
another in order to manipulate and test controlled reactions between them. While there are
scientific goals in doing so, sometimes there are also inherent aspects of safety that require such
controls over the substances used in chemical experiments. But it is the plucking out of the
psychological phenomenon (along with the person in whom it is inherently found) from its
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natural habitat and forcing it into the contrived context that imposes the greatest threats of
“contaminating” it prior to its analysis and subsequent understanding.
It was not necessarily a greater understanding per se, that experimental psychology was
interested in finding. Rather, it was the “prediction and control of behavior” that emerged as the
theoretical goal of psychological research (Watson, 1913, p. 58). Behaviorism and its use of the
natural sciences methodological model increased in popularity and prestige, due largely to the
fact, that it could “do something – and, more importantly, do something according to the
expectations of the time concerning science” [emphasis original] (Giorgi, 1970, p. 46). Watson’s
(1913) behaviorist’s manifesto marks a shift in psychology from a study of mental phenomena to
discovering mental laws by drawing inferences based upon the observable interaction of an
“animal” and the “stimuli” of its environment. This approach deliberately sets aside any and all
mediating mental phenomena between the presupposed causal sequence of stimulus and
response. Therefore, two distinct limitations for psychology appear due to the behaviorists’
attitude and use of experimental research designs. First, all mediating mental phenomena are
deliberately left out of the “equation” and second, the mental phenomena are threatened with
“contamination” by the alterations of the environment from the one in which they would
normally be found. Finally, having wrested the psychological phenomena from its “real-world”
context and the deliberate ignoring of its qualities and faculties, the “scientific study of behavior”
is left as a hollow shell version of psychology (i.e., a tough exterior without much substance
therein.)
The beginning and rise of the “cognitive revolution” moved psychology back to the
perspective of including mental mediation between the stimulus-response of behaviorism. It was
the development of the computer processing metaphor that became the dominant explanation for
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the psychological phenomena mediating between the person and situation. But the computer
processing metaphor has been taken too far by many and literalized to the point that the human
mind is often regarded both atomistically and mechanically (Aanstoos, 1987; Giorgi, 2001). It
was through this paradigm that the presuppositions of mental elementalism were kept as the
foundations for formulating the information-processing explanations of psychological
phenomena (Aanstoos, 1987). Whether meant literally or not, such theoretical concepts as
templates, schemas, scripts, and stereotypes were described as the “programming” of the mind
based on perceived environmental features acquired as data entry that is encoded into memory
through life experiences. The information-processing computer model evolved to become
synonymous for “cognition” within the mainstream of psychology (Aanstoos, 1987).
Phenomenological psychology however, recognizes that a person is an historical being and
experiences are part of his or her constitution as such (Giorgi, 1970). The divisions between
thinking, feeling, imagining, and their physiological correlates are distinguishable but essentially
indivisible. The cognitive perspectives readmitted the mental processes back into psychology but
left their nature within the realm of being products of the physical world. Consequently, the
dominant cognitive view of the mind is that it is a product of the brain and still considered within
the natural sciences framework (Giorgi, 2009).
A phenomenological perspective of the mind acknowledges consciousness as the most
fundamental life-quality that coexists with the body and thus, a person is regarded as an
embodied consciousness (Husserl, 1977; Merleau-Ponty, 1962). Husserl (1977) and Merleau-
Ponty (1962) point out that people know one another’s consciousness through their physical
bodies. This means that we know our own consciousness by reflection but cannot know the
consciousness of the other except through the body. On the other hand, a body without
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consciousness is a corpse (Husserl, 1977). Therefore, consciousness cannot be ignored or
discarded as Watson (1913) asserted, and it would be going too far to assert that it is merely a
product of the nervous system. For Husserl (1977), consciousness synthesizes experience
through its intentional acts toward objects that are both sensorial and purely mental in origin. In
other words, objects that are governed by time, space, and causality are called “real” and those
that are imagined, remembered, anticipated, hallucinated, etc., are called “irreal” because they do
not physically exist (Husserl, 1977; Zahavi, 2003). Because the natural sciences were intended to
study only the “real” world, Husserl’s (2008/1931) project for phenomenology was to develop a
method in the form of an eidetic science (science of possibilities) for psychology which would
necessarily include “irreal” objects in its analyses. In a sense, phenomenology would be a
“science of possibilities” for human studies in a similar way that geometry is for physics. For
there are geometrical concepts that are accepted as theoretically sound, (such as the two-
dimensional plane) but that are physically non-existent in our three-dimensional world. So for
psychology, phenomenology would be the investigation of consciousness through the
examination of its actions upon objects that it takes without positing the origins of the objects.
The concept that consciousness takes objects for itself is called intentionality. Husserl
(2008/1931) explained that consciousness is naturally directed-to objects, which is to say,
consciousness is always conscious of something beyond itself. Zahavi (2003) explains it in the
following way:
One does not merely love, fear, see, or judge, one loves a beloved, fears something
fearful, sees an object, and judges a state of affairs. Regardless of whether we are talking
of a perception, thought, judgment, fantasy, doubt, expectation, or recollection, all of
these diverse forms of consciousness are characterized by intending objects and cannot be
analyzed properly without a look at their objective correlate, that is, the perceived,
doubted, expected object. (p. 14).
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I believe that one can see from the above explanation of intentionality, why a phenomenological
psychological method is well suited for the proposed study of police officers’ use of deadly
force. In the above description of intentional acts of consciousness, one can see that both “real”
and “irreal” objects of consciousness must be considered to understand the whole experience in
its natural context, and as it was lived by the participant.
The natural context of a social interaction of any kind has been shown by social
psychology to be an important influence on people’s behavior and understanding of their
experiences. Experimental-like research done in “the field” is when the researchers contrive a
situation in the real world, but do so without allowing the persons being studied to know about
the research until afterwards (Babbie, 2010). By design, this type of research involves deceiving
the people being studied with the idea that their “reactions” and “behaviors” will be more
authentic and natural than if they had known. While the distinct advantage to such field research
is that the researcher can observe the persons “in the act,” it does so without their prior consent.
The Descriptive Phenomenological Method provides the lived-context of the participant and
does so focusing on his or her perspective without the use of deception (Giorgi, 2009). Further,
the method allows the researcher to keep the “voice” of the participants in the research without
abstracting their viewpoint out through analysis. Rather, it is the subjective-psychological
perspective of the participant that captures my interest as the researcher (Giorgi & Giorgi, 2003).
As such, it is not only the “reactions” and “behaviors” that are included in the data, but also the
thoughts, impressions, feelings, interpretations, and understandings of the participants’
experiences that I will be analyzing.
The Descriptive Phenomenological Psychological Method is a five-step system of
research that holds Husserlian Phenomenology as its philosophical foundation. Because Husserl
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was a philosopher, Giorgi (2009) needed to modify Husserl’s method to be useful for
psychology. In doing so, Giorgi’s (1985; 2009) five-step method provides the systematic rigor of
“science” while not being reductionistic in its treating of the persons studied. Further, the method
is discovery-oriented rather than verification-oriented. Therefore, I do not propose a hypothesis
to be supported by the evidence, but rather intend to describe the structure of the psychological
phenomenon so that it can be understood in a deeper, holistic and more comprehensive way than
other methods can provide. In the proposed study, it is the first person “meaning(s)” of the
experiences that are of interest to me rather than mere objective interpretations of behaviors.
More detail about how this is achieved will follow in the “data analysis” section of this proposal.
Participants
The participants for this research are from an exclusive population of people. Police
officers that have used deadly-force in the performance of their duties are relatively few in
number within the greater law enforcement officer population. As a former law enforcement
officer, I had personal access to the law enforcement community through my vocational ties that
other psychological researchers do not necessarily have. Therefore, I contacted local law
enforcement acquaintances seeking their assistance in recruiting officers that have used deadly
force in the line of duty. It is important to make the distinction here, that it is the experience of
using deadly force that was of interest, regardless of whether or not the force’s outcome was fatal
for the suspect. Police officers are trained to “stop” the violent behavior of the suspect and not
“kill” him or her (Klinger, 2004; Murray, 2006). Additionally, most deadly force applications
involve the use of firearms. However, there are acts of deadly force that involve the deliberate
use of a police automobile as a weapon (Alpert & Fridell, 1992). However for this study, I used
officer-involved shootings as the kind of the deadly force experience in which the suspect died.
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What I believe is essential to this study is that any use of deadly-force was a deliberate act on the
part of the participant.
Data Collection
The raw data for this study is the “naïve description” of the deadly force experiences
from and in the words of the participants. For Husserl, (2008/1937), “natural cognition begins
with experience and remains within experience” (p.5). So the naïve description is the first-person
account of the experience as it was lived and understood by the participant in his or her everyday
common sense mode of understanding. Since no other person can co-experience the subjective-
psychological perspective of any lived-experience with the participant, the best and only
“record” of such an experience exists (admittedly, only in part) within the memory of him or her
who experienced it from the subjective position. Therefore, I captured an audio recording of
separate in-person interviews with each of the participants about his or her experience. To
initiate the telling of their experiences, the initial question for the participants was very simply
presented like, “In as much detail as possible, tell me what it was like for you to use deadly force
on a suspect as a police officer?” This general question is open-ended and intended to offer the
participant a wide range in which he or she can verbally describe the experience. As the
participant related the experience to me, I made mental note of verbal transitions in which I
sensed more could be said about something or that the participant incidentally veered away from
which naturally occurs when people are speaking. When the participant reaches a point that he or
she has said all that can be said spontaneously, I asked one or more follow-up questions like,
“You spoke about such and such, can you tell me more about that?” (Giorgi & Giorgi, 2003).
The follow-up questions are not purposefully “leading” in the sense of trying to “pull out” of the
participant particular information of a kind. Rather, it is an interviewing technique intended to
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“re-open the door” to an aspect of the account that was presented but not fully and expressly
described by the participant. As the researcher, I wanted to acquire a verbal “re-living of the
experience” expressed by the participant, to the greatest possible degree.
Getting an account of the experience based upon the memory and report of the participant
carries with it a certain degree of dubiousness about its accuracy. Data acquired through self-
report methods (questionnaires and interviews) are always subject to memory decay, alterations
or participant response errors (Giorgi, 2009). There are no perfect descriptions, but adequate
descriptions are obtainable and they are pregnant with psychological meanings to be analyzed
(Giorgi, 2009; Giorgi & Giorgi, 2003). Further, the interviewing strategy is not intended to
“spur” or “jog” the participants to remember some “obscured details,” but rather help them to
simply relate as fully as possible “what it was like” for them during their experiences. I trust that
the data provided by these interviews was be sufficient to acquire the most salient and personally
important aspects of the experience, because they have been kept in memory. It was through the
phenomenological psychological analysis that both the explicated and implied meanings of the
experiences will be accessible to be elucidated (Giorgi, 1985). More explanation will follow
about the analysis below.
The naïve descriptions provided by the participants were recorded for later transcription.
A digital voice recorder was used to capture the interview contents and I transcribed the
interviews into text for further analysis. It was the transcribed text that was used as the raw data
for analysis. As part of the data collection process, all identifying information that would have
revealed the participants’ and other people’s identities, places or things that could make such
identities easily known was replaced with pseudonyms or other fictitious representations as are
appropriate to maintain the privacy of those interested parties. Such informational replacements
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took place during my transcription process so that only the participants and I will know their
identities and other private details.
Data Analysis
The Descriptive Phenomenological method in Psychology uses a five-step method of data
analysis based on some principles of phenomenological philosophy (Amedeo Giorgi, personal
communication). In each step, I will explain the procedure and its corresponding philosophical
concept that supports its purpose and character. Therefore, the data analysis is done once the
interview has been transcribed and the text has become the “empirical evidence” to be analyzed
for its psychological implications.
The first step of the phenomenological psychological method is for the researcher to
assume the phenomenological attitude. The phenomenological attitude is different than the
natural attitude or everyday way of understanding the world. In the phenomenological attitude,
the research “brackets” his or her everyday knowledge to take a fresh look at the data. In other
words, the researcher puts aside his or her presuppositions, theoretical, cultural, experiential, or
otherwise. The concept of “bracketing” comes from Husserl’s (2008/1931) epoché in which the
researcher allows him or herself to be present to the data without positing its validity or
existence. Simply being present means that the researcher allows him or herself to “see” the data
as it appears in itself and in its own context without doubt or belief. In this way, the researcher
can remain true to the phenomenological slogan “back to the things themselves” (Husserl,
2001/1901). Additionally, the researcher does not posit the real existence of any object or state-
of-affairs that is given to consciousness. Rather, because it is given to consciousness, the
researcher takes the object (or state-of-affairs) as it presents itself rather judging its veracity from
the objective perspective (Husserl, 2008/1931). In this, each object and intentional act on that
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object by consciousness is included in the analysis because it was there for the participant’s
consciousness. So the bracketing and withholding of existential positing allows the researcher to
see and thus describe what was present for consciousness from the participant’s first person
perspective. I assumed the phenomenological attitude and then proceeded to the next step.
The second step in the data analysis requires that I read the entire “naïve description” to
get a sense of the whole experience (Giorgi, 2009, 1985; Giorgi & Giorgi, 2003). The “naïve
description” provided by the participant was taken in the natural attitude in the way that he or she
would experience things in the mode of everyday living from the commonsense perspective. This
is done without a critical reflection on the experience. However, the I remained in the
phenomenological attitude that “puts out of action” all commonsense presuppositions in order to
conduct a critical reflection about the participant’s experience in order to describe how it was
phenomenally experienced (Giorgi, 2009; Husserl, 2008/1931). It is in the phenomenological
attitude that I was present to the data as it is given.
The third step in the data analysis is the demarcation of “meaning units” within the
narrative so that the data can be dealt with in manageable portions (Giorgi, 2009, 1985; Giorgi &
Giorgi, 2003). As the researcher, I went through the narrative text in a subsequent reading(s)
with the purpose of determining where places of meaning shift within it. The stream of
experience in consciousness has “landmarks” in a way that is analogous to how we see the
windings, rapids, and falls in a water stream. Another analogy used by James (1996/1912) is that
a bird’s flight is marked by where it perches more than the actual distances in which it flies. So
as I read the text through after getting a sense of the whole, the subsequent reading is done with
the idea of marking where meaning-shifts occur which are like the “landmarks” or changes in the
flow in some way (Giorgi, 1985).
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To distinguish the meaning units, I marked the meaning unit demarcations with a forward
slash (/) at the cleavage between two meaning units, but each meaning unit will be identifiable
by its numerical labeling at its beginning point. The numerical identification will be expressed in
superscript. Therefore, the meaning unit will begin with a superscript font numerical identifier
and end with a forward slash. According to Giorgi (2009), how or where the meaning units are
delineated is not absolute. Different researchers may delineate the meaning units in different
places in the same data. However the same or different the meaning units may be among
researchers, it is the results that are important to the overall quality of the analysis (Giorgi,
2009).
Additionally, distinguishing meaning unit can be a self-correcting process in which the
researcher discovers that meaning units are too long or too short in their delineation. It is
acceptable to combine or divide meaning units as one’s familiarity with the data provides clarity
about better places for their distinctions. Overall, the researcher does not have to commit to the
initial delineations and battle through them as an inviolable rule (Giorgi, 2009).
The fourth step I took was transforming the meaning units into psychologically sensitive
descriptive expressions of each of them. The researcher takes the phenomenon at the
psychological level to practice science rather than the transcendental level which is to practice
philosophy (Giorgi, 2009). The psychological level is an individuated, worldly and personal
level rather than a transcendental (universal, unconditional, and independent of experience)
(Giorgi, 2009). It is in this third step that the first change is made to the data in the analytical
process. The meaning units are re-expressed in the third-person while remaining faithful to the
meanings expressed by the participant. The change to the third-person language does not change
the meaning content, but assists the researcher in remaining in the phenomenological attitude by
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not being empathetically drawn to the participant’s natural attitude (Giorgi, 2009). Taking each
meaning unit in its third person form, the research transforms it into a statement that expresses its
essential psychological meanings. Using a mode of psychological sensitivity means that the
researcher intends to locate and elucidate the psychological meanings contained in the data.
Transformations from the third-person versions of the meaning units into descriptive
psychological transformed expressions are performed to bring the psychology to the forefront.
The transformations require the researcher to use Husserl’s (2008/1931) intellectual procedure
known as imaginative variation to determine the essence of the phenomenal structure of the
experience (Giorgi, 2009).
Imaginative variation is performed by the researcher by changing qualities of the object
being analyzed so as to determine which qualities are essential and which are accidental (present
but not required) (Giorgi, 1985, 2009; Giorgi & Giorgi, 2003; Husserl, 2008/1931; Zahavi,
2003). By taking each third-person meaning unit individually, the researcher dwells with it and
considers what is being psychologically expressed through it. A psychologically focused re-
expression is transformed in a descriptive manner and placed next to it.
The transformations are psychological formulations of the essential meanings of each
meaning unit. Because the researcher is still in the phenomenological attitude, each
transformation describes what the meaning unit expresses psychological without any
interpretation or positing about its “truth.” It is only describing how it was experienced and
understood by the participant from his or her point of view without explanation of “why” it was
experienced in the way it was. The phenomenological attitude of the researcher in the
psychological analysis of the data is what makes the results both phenomenological and
psychological. The general structure of the lived-experience is synthesized from the participants’
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transformations when taken generally together in a comparative view by the researcher (Giorgi,
2009).
The general structure of the experience is a descriptive paragraph which lays out the
lived-experience of the researched topic from a psychological approach. The fifth step in the
analysis is the synthesis of the general psychological structure from the psychological
constituents of the experience. Constituents differ from the concept of elements because they are
context dependent (Giorgi, 1985). Constituents therefore cannot be independent of each other,
but are necessarily part of the whole structure. The purpose of this procedure is grounded in the
phenomenological concept of parts and wholes. Sokolowski (2008) points out that concept of
parts and wholes is not original in phenomenology but was actually developed by Greek
philosophers Plato and Aristotle. Nevertheless, the concept expresses the idea that the “whole” of
some things or states-of-affairs are irreducible to its parts. In other words, the value of the whole
is greater than the sum of its parts.
Parts are regarded in phenomenology to fall into two distinctions: pieces and moments.
Pieces are parts that can subsist separately and detached from the whole to which they belong.
There is an identifiable independence about pieces apart from the whole that moments do not
have. Moments on the other hand, are dependent upon their whole and have their essential
identities as being a part of the whole (Sokolowski, 2008). Each constituent must therefore, hang
together interdependently with the others forming a general (whole) psychological structure.
Consequently, there may be psychological aspects of one or more of the individually situated
experiences that one could find to be a “piece” which is more like an element. Pieces or elements
can subsist on their own and therefore would not be constituent (moments) of the general
structure (Giorgi, 1985; Sokolowski, 2008). Being identified as a “piece” or accidental quality of
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the experience does not render the aspect useless, but simply not an essential part of the general
structure.
The constituents are determined by viewing the transformations of all of the participants
for convergent meanings. Still using the imaginative variation, the researcher can see the shared
meanings of the participants pertaining to their general psychological consistencies. The
researcher applies a descriptive word or phrase to the constituents based on their psychological
givenness. This is not a process of thematizing or merely creating nominal categories (Giorgi &
Giorgi, 2003). The constituent “title” must be descriptive of its psychological meaning. These
constituents are put together in a descriptive paragraph which is the general descriptive
psychological structure, that is, the structure is the outcome (results) of the analysis. All other
“pieces,” whether psychological or not, are set aside for the later and broader discussion with the
extant literature in dialog with one another.
It is important to note that the phenomenological concepts of parts and wholes are kept
intact throughout the study. From the interview, the naïve description is obtained from the
participant with as much continuity as possible. The follow up questions are only used to mine
deeper into aspects that are already given by the participant. The naïve description is read
through in its entirety while the researcher is in the phenomenological attitude. Meaning units are
delineated but the whole data remains intact. The meaning units are transformed using
imaginative variation within the phenomenological attitude and psychological perspective to
elucidate their essential psychological meanings. The essential meanings (constituents) are
examined for their interdependence as part of the psychological structure (whole) and described
as such. The determination of an essential moment versus an accidental (nonessential) piece of
the experience, which differentiates the constituent from an element, requires the use of the
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imaginative variation still in operation. It is through the imaginative variation that the eidetic
nature of the data can be brought forth (Giorgi, 2009).
The phenomenological concept of presences and absences is an important one to use
during one’s use of the imaginative variation. This is how the explicit data can reveal the
existence of the implicit meanings without them being concretely expressed in the data by the
participants (Giorgi, 2009; Sokolowski, 2008). During the transformations, the researcher can
not only “see” the explicit data and meanings, but also uncover the implicit meanings through the
imaginative variation and having the “sense of the whole” still in mind from the initial step of the
analysis. When synthesizing the general structure, the researcher can also find that as the
structure emerges, some constituents are given implicitly in a similar way. In this way, the
descriptive phenomenological approach is more comprehensive than mere empirical approaches
in the natural attitude (Giorgi, 2009). This is justified through understanding that what is
“present” often implies or indicates an “absent” quality. Because we “see” things in profiles,
meaning we cannot view an object circumferentially all at once, we only view them through the
aspect that is facing us. But this does not mean that we disregard the fact that there exists an
aspect on the other side which is hidden from our view (Sokolowski, 2008). For example, when I
see someone face to face, I also understand the person to necessarily have a back that
corresponds to his or her front. But I draw this logical inference from a totality of the other’s
presence.
Husserl (2008/1931) points out that our experience is self-correcting. This concept is
important here because when one is considering the whole data, he or she can see the structure
and determine if there may be an essential aspect that is “absent” in one participant’s data that is
present in the data of the other participants. Further, the interdependent nature of the
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“constituents” when assembled together through imaginative variation, reveals the “absence” of
the constituent among the “present” other constituents. So there are two levels of “wholes” that
are considered in the analysis and synthesis resulting in the general structure. First, in the
individual level the explicit data may reveal an implicit quality that was not verbalized by the
participant, but is an “absent” essential quality that we can logically infer existed in the
experience. Second, that “absent” essential quality can also be supported by its explicit presence
in the data of the other participants that had the same kind of experience. Therefore, these logical
inferences are supported by evidence and not merely hunches or wishful thinking on the part of
the researcher. Upon review by others, the veracity of the logical inference drawn through the
analysis can be critiqued, accepted or refuted (Giorgi, 1985).
It is important to note here that the expressions from the participants can be one or
multiple examples of instances when the constituents were experienced. The grid configuration
allows the researcher to place a note in a cell of an instance when a constituent is implicitly in
the data rather than providing an explicit example. Further, it also can help the researcher to
determine if there emerges a structure among the participants that is different than the others.
This is important because it not only demonstrates that we may classify a kind of experience in a
way that is experienced differently and might be classifiably different. Further, the differences in
the structures that emerge might provide insight about how and why the psychological
experiences were different phenomenologically when we would regularly consider them the
“same” in the natural attitude.
The emergence of one general structure of the experience was sought, but not necessarily
the goal of the proposed study. Because the descriptive phenomenological approach is a method
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in the mode of discovery rather than validation, the discovery that different general structures of
police deadly force experiences would not be a failure of the method or the study (Giorgi, 1985).
Ethical Considerations
It is the overall goal of the proposed study to find a deeper and richer understanding of
what it is like to use deadly force as a police officer. One of the benefits to the participating
officers and perhaps the law enforcement community at large is a richer understanding of the
personal meanings of the officers that they may not be fully aware of or had come to understand.
Giorgi (2009) points out that when someone says something there is always more meaning in
what was said than even the speaker is aware of, in the natural attitude. The natural attitude
causes a lot of psychological aspects of experience to be taken for granted. It is my hope that the
proposed study will bring out some clarity and new insights regarding the psychology of police
deadly force incidents.
The law enforcement community might find some valuable insights for training, policy,
or even ways to better support officers that go through such experiences. Where Klinger (2004)
obtained and organized a lot of valuable information about police shootings in his deadly force
research, the phenomenological approach can take us deeper from the natural attitude to the
phenomenal level of the officers’ perspectives
I believe that it was important to maintain the participants’ voices in the research as much
as possible. One of the ethical advantages to the descriptive phenomenological approach is that
no deception is required to get the data in its real world context. Of course, some may criticize
my approach by saying that observing behavior as it is naturally acted is more legitimate than
self-reported accounts of the incidents. But police deadly force encounters are not events that we
can predict well enough to conduct observational research. Further, to do so would be solely an
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objective viewpoint which is what the natural sciences position would value most. However, it
was the subjective psychological perspective that descriptive phenomenological approach
pursues (Giorgi & Giorgi, 2003). Further, other self-report methods would suffer the same
criticism but have demonstrated over time that they are legitimate ways to gather important data
that are not necessarily less valid or reliable that observational or experimental methods.
Moreover, Giorgi (2009) points out that falsified memories (through various distortions) can be
more interesting for psychology because they reveal more about the psychological life of the
individual due to their subjective origins. So for the proposed study, I am most concerned with
how the officer psychologically experienced a deadly force encounter rather than creating an
abstracted version of the incident filtered through already existing psychological theories and
nomenclature. In sum, there is no deception, context changes, or meaning-twisting imposed on
the officers’ experiences or recounting of them. Phenomenological psychological analysis is a
mode of discovering the psychological meanings as they were lived and how they inform our
understanding of such experiences on a deeper level. The officers and law enforcement in
general may be provided some new insights about police deadly force that have not yet been
discovered or precisely because a phenomenological perspective was adopted.
The participants in the proposed study had the control over the information and the way it
is given. Of course, I sought the most full and honest descriptions from the participants that they
can provide. I had no reason for initial skepticism about getting anything else but the truth from
these volunteers. But I also recognize the possibility of willful omissions or distortions in the
accounts provided by the participants. I will take no measures to manipulate or control the
participants into providing information they do not freely want to give. Clearly, informed
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consent agreements secured clear understanding about the relationship between the participants
and me as the researcher.
The benefits that I sought from conducting the study are academic, professional, and
personal. Primarily, the study was intended to be a part of the requirements to be met in
completing my doctoral degree in psychology. Professionally, I have served as a police officer in
my emergency services career and currently work in higher education in the public safety
disciplines. The completion of a doctoral degree is required for my advancement in my current
position as well as adds to my credibility as a college instructor.
Finally, because I have been a certified peace officer for 22 years, I feel a personal desire
to know more about deadly force experiences and how an officer might be better understood. As
Klinger (2004) points out, many police officers have experiences of “close calls” in which a
perceived or real lethal encounter are lived-through but for various reasons the officer selects not
to use deadly force. As a police officer, I have had such situations in my law enforcement career
which provided a little insight into what it might be like to use deadly force. But because of my
own “holding fire,” I have a personal curiosity about the experiences of those that pulled the
trigger. I believe the descriptive phenomenological psychological method will provide a greater
understanding about the topic due to its purpose and design (Giorgi, 2009, 1985; Giorgi &
Giorgi, 2003).
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