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TEXAS PUBLIC POLICY FOUNDATION 5
For a strict-liability crime, the people need
only prove that the act was performed
regardless of what the actor knew or did not
know. On this basis, the distinction between a
strict-liability crime and a general-intent crime
is that, for a general-intent crime, the people
must prove that the defendant purposefully or
voluntarily performed the wrongful act,
whereas, for a strict-liability crime, the people
merely need to prove that the defendant
performed the wrongful act, irrespective of
whether he intended to perform it.
15
The regulatory response to growth of industrialization
and urbanization in the late 19th century introduced
a new form of strict-liability crimes, commonly known
as “public welfare” offenses, which legislatures began
enacting under their police power to promote social
order.
*
New industrial advances, the congestion of
cities and wide distribution of goods all posed new
potential dangers to the public. Public welfare
regulations were intended to “heighten the duties of
those in control of particular industries, trades,
properties or activities that affect public health, safety
or welfare.”
16
These laws were regulatory in nature,
intended to prevent public harms that could occur
from neglecting a duty of care.
Over time, legislatures used the criminal code, with its
power of prosecution and sanctions, for regulatory
purposes. In a seminal article written in 1933, Harvard
law professor Francis Sayre categorized typical public
welfare offenses: the improper sale of alcohol, sale of
adulterated food and drugs or misbranded articles,
criminal (or “public”) nuisances, and violations of
traffic, motor vehicle and other laws concerning public
safety and public health.
17
Early public welfare cases in
* For more on the origins of public welfare offenses, see: Catherine L.
Carpenter, “On Statutory Rape, Strict Liability, and the Public Welfare Offense
Model,” American University Law Review 53, no. 2 (2003): 313–391, accessed
Nov. 20, 2013, http://goo.gl/Tq0oaA; Richard G. Singer, “The Resurgence of
Mens Rea: The Rise and Fall of Strict Criminal Liability,” Boston College Law
Review 30, no. 2 (Mar. 1, 1989): 337–408, accessed Nov. 20, 2013,
http://goo.gl/C3lJKW.
Michigan penalized the sale of mustard adulterated
with turmeric and opening a saloon on a Sunday.
18
Significantly, public welfare offenses omit the
requirement to establish blameworthiness for
a criminal conviction; liability can be imposed
irrespective of the actor’s intent. Legal commentators
have theorized that public welfare offenses were
favored by lawmakers because of the ease of
conviction, as requiring proof of mens rea places a
greater burden on the prosecution.
19
Public welfare
laws often regulated behavior that would, but for the
prohibition, be considered innocent conduct;
a stop sign at a deserted intersection does not
represent a moral imperative.
Today, it is quite common for legislatures and
Congress to be silent on intent, creating the inference
that strict liability is to be imposed. A 2010 joint
report by The Heritage Foundation and the National
Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers examined
legislation that would create new nonviolent criminal
offenses proposed by the 109th U.S. Congress in 2005
and 2006. The authors determined that 57 percent of
the proposed offenses contained inadequate mens rea
requirements, and 64 percent of the proposals
enacted into law were lacking mens rea provisions.
20
Mens Rea in Michigan Jurisprudence
Determining Whether Mens Rea is
a Required Element
Given the erosion of the concept of mens rea,
a number of states have adopted a default mens rea
provision in their criminal code. In other words, the
state prescribes a default culpability standard in cases
where the criminal statute is silent on the intent
required to establish a criminal offense.
The Michigan Penal Code does not contain a default
mens rea provision. Thus, if the Legislature does not
explicitly state the culpability necessary to establish an
offense, courts are left to evaluate whether a mens rea