The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
Volume 41
Issue 4
December
Article 6
2014
The Relationship between Empathy and Attitudes toward The Relationship between Empathy and Attitudes toward
Government Intervention Government Intervention
M. Alex Wagaman
Virginia Commonwealth University
Elizabeth A. Segal
Arizona State University
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Recommended Citation Recommended Citation
Wagaman, M. Alex and Segal, Elizabeth A. (2014) "The Relationship between Empathy and Attitudes
toward Government Intervention,"
The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
: Vol. 41: Iss. 4, Article 6.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.15453/0191-5096.3984
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The Relationship between Empathy and
Attitudes toward Government Intervention
m. aLex wagamaN
Virginia Commonwealth University
School of Social Work
eLizabetH a. SegaL
Arizona State University
School of Social Work
Throughout history, government policy and programs have
played integral roles in shaping social services. This article re-
ports the findings of a study that explored the relationship be-
tween interpersonal empathy and attitudes toward govern-
ment intervention among college students. Findings suggest
that increased levels of empathy are associated with more posi-
tive attitudes toward government intervention. This relation-
ship is even stronger for participants from marginalized iden-
tity groups. Nurturing empathy among those engaged in social
welfare policy-making may support government efforts that are
in the best interest of communities they are intended to help.
Key words: empathy, government intervention, marginalized
voices, social empathy, social well-being
Since the founding of this nation, government has been
viewed as central to people’s social well-being. The pledge of
government has been to uphold “life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness for all” through a just form of governing that
derives its power from the people. If such government fails
to provide for safety and happiness, then it is the right of the
people to decide the course of government (Declaration of
Independence, 1776). Thus, the expectation that government
will ensure social well-being, accompanied by the watchful eye
of the governed, dates from the earliest history of the United
States. Today’s discussions concerning the role of government
Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare, December 2014, Volume XLI, Number 4
91
follow in a long tradition, and reflect strong sentiments for
and against government intervention in our lives, as well as
varying definitions of what that intervention should look like.
For some, government has been the champion of human
rights. For example, the Thirteenth Amendment to the
Constitution abolished slavery and empowered Congress to
enforce it. The Fifteenth Amendment established that “The
right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied
or abridged by the United States or by any State on account
of race, color, or previous condition of Servitude.” These
Constitutional amendments are examples of federal govern-
ment intervention over localities to ensure human rights.
For others, particularly in recent years, government has
become the problem. Setting the modern tone for concern over
government intervention was former President Ronald Reagan,
who famously stated in his 1981 inaugural address that “gov-
ernment is not the solution to our problem, government is the
problem.” During the presidential campaign of 2000, George
W. Bush made famous the goal of serving as “compassion-
ate conservatives” in response to social need. That ideology
called for sympathetic responses by government through the
efforts of nonpublic groups such as faith-based organizations
and informal social supports with less reliance on government
interventions (Olasky, 2000). More recently, former vice presi-
dential candidate and federal Representative Paul D. Ryan, in
his Roadmap for America, warned that:
the heavily government-centered ideology now
prevailing in Washington, which pursues a relentless
expansion of government, creates a growing culture of
dependency, and in the process worsens a status quo that
already threatens to overwhelm the budget and smother the
economy. (2010, p. iii)
Attitudes of the public in the U.S. towards government
intervention are mixed. In 2009, the National Constitution
Center released data collected through an Associated Press
poll indicating that the majority of Americans oppose govern-
ment intervention in private enterprise, even if it is intended
to benefit the economy, such as saving jobs (GfK Roper Public
Affairs & Media, 2009). The Pew Research Center (2012) found
92 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
conflicting values. While 59% of adults believed it is the re-
sponsibility of government to take care of people who cannot
take care of themselves, this was down from 69% in 2007; and
71% of adults felt that poor people are too dependent on gov-
ernment assistance programs. The data also revealed differ-
ences between generations in attitudes toward government
intervention. Among young voters ages 18 to 29, 56% reported
believing that government should have a more active role in
addressing the country’s problems, compared to 35% of voters
ages 65 and older who were supportive of greater government
involvement.
As social workers, our roles in relation to government
intervention are critical, as we are often part of government
efforts or supported by government resources to secure peo-
ple’s well-being and promote social justice. Our client groups
are often those who rely on government support, and who rep-
resent diverse communities. Therefore, it is imperative that we
consider what government intervention means to our profes-
sion, our clients and our communities.
Empathy and Its Relationship with the Role of
Government
Given the important role of government intervention in
forming the U.S. social welfare system, it is our position that
it is important to identify and foster factors that contribute to
positive attitudes toward government intervention. This ex-
ploratory study examined the relationship between empathy
and attitudes toward government intervention. For the pur-
poses of this study, the phrase government intervention is used
to refer to government- initiated and/or -funded actions that
are intended to support the welfare or well-being of the people
who live within its bounds. Although there are several levels
of government, this paper is primarily concerned with federal
government intervention. The rationale for this is that major
social welfare policies and funding originate from the federal
government, and much of the role of state, tribal and local gov-
ernments is as implementers and facilitators of federal policies
and programs.
Empathy, the ability to mirror and interpret the actions
of others (Iacoboni, 2008) has now been identified through
Empathy & Attitudes Toward Government Intervention
93
biophysical components found in our brains (Decety & Jackson,
2004; Decety & Lamm, 2006). These components include affec-
tive or unconscious physiological responses coupled with cog-
nitive processing (Decety & Moriguchi, 2007). Overall, empathy
reflects “the processes whereby one person can come to know
the internal state of another and be motivated to respond with
sensitive care…” (Batson, 2011, p. 11). Thus, interpersonal
empathy may contribute to a person’s support for collective
action through government. Those who have higher levels of
empathy have greater abilities to see and understand the cir-
cumstances of other people’s lives, and therefore may support
public policies that address the social welfare and well-being
of others. This relationship is the focus of this research.
Although no previous evidence exists to document that
empathy is a specific predictor of a person’s feelings about the
role of government, many of the key aspects of empathic abili-
ties suggest a link. Stronger empathic insights into the experi-
ences of others can lead to greater interest in and work towards
improving the welfare of others (Morrell, 2010; Pinker, 2011).
Those with higher levels of empathy are likely to consider the
involvement of a larger governing body to ensure social well-
being as worthwhile (Hoffman, 2011). These factors suggest
there may be a relationship between empathy and support of
government intervention. Thus, although empathy has been
examined for its influence on interpersonal relationships and
social interactions, its potential impact on the policymaking
process has been largely overlooked. This research is a start
towards examining that relationship.
Review of the Literature
Empathy and Social Relationships
The degree to which a person prefers collective social ar-
rangements versus individualism may be related to empathic
abilities. For example, individuals who are highly empathic
prefer egalitarian social relations—that is relationships and
policies that reduce group-based hierarchy and intergroup
separation rather than hierarchal social relations (Chiao, 2010).
Hierarchal social relations are held by high social dominance-
oriented people. In research conducted by Pratto, Sidanius,
Stallworth, & Malle (1994),
94 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
high dominance-oriented people expressed less concern
for others than did low dominance oriented people…
[and] people who are highly empathic (specifically,
concerned with others’ well-being) and to a lesser
extent, those who feel interdependent or communal
with others, tend to prefer egalitarian relationships
among groups. (p. 757)
The relationship between high socially-dominant people
and lower levels of empathy was recently measured through
brain imaging technology:
Individuals who indicated a greater desire for social
dominance hierarchy showed less response when
perceiving pain in others within fronto-insular regions
[of the brain] critical to the ability to share and feel
concern for the emotional salience of another person’s
misfortune. (Chiao, Mathur, Harada, & Lipke, 2009, p.
180)
Although those who favor hierarchical social relations may not
be opposed to government intervention, they would be more
likely to consider appropriate intervention to follow enforce-
ment of the status quo rather than intervention that promotes
equality (Cheon et al., 2011).
Empathy may also be a key variable in tolerance of social
differences. For example, feeling empathy for a person who is
a member of a stigmatized group can then be generalized to
the group as a whole (Batson et al., 1997). This transference of
empathic insight from individual cases to larger groups allows
for greater understanding of commonalities and reduces pref-
erence or tolerance for social inequality (Dovidio, Gaertner, &
Saguy, 2009; Stephan & Finlay, 1999).
The social groups that one identifies with may also impact
empathy. Research has shown that increases in feelings of
power impact the brain’s ability to mirror responses of others
(Hogeveen, Inzlicht, & Obhi, 2013). On the flip side, a sense
of powerlessness was associated with a greater ability for the
brain to mirror the responses of others, an important aspect
of the physiological component of empathy. This may explain
important differences found in polls of Americans’ attitudes
Empathy & Attitudes Toward Government Intervention
95
96 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
toward government intervention. For example, if a commu-
nity has limited access to social power, could this increase
its members’ ability to feel empathic toward groups needing
access to assistance from the government? Might this outside
status increase positive attitudes toward government inter-
vention, because government has the power to reduce the per-
ceived inequality?
Empathy and Its Impact on Society
Because empathy can lead to resonance with the experi-
ences of others, “the ability to act on behalf of the greater good
can not only improve our personal health and our relation-
ships with others—it can practically or symbolically promote
peace in our society and between cultures” (Keltner, Marsh, &
Smith, 2010, p. 177). The result is that empathy can influence
the making of laws that reflect social justice (Hoffman, 2011).
Government intervention has been at the forefront of
making laws that promote social justice, or create a greater
level of fairness. Fairness is not just a social goal and a po-
tential outcome of greater empathy, but can have the effect of
improving empathy. While we often turn to government to
ensure fairness in society, and greater empathy leads to egali-
tarian or “fairness” policy orientations, there is also an inverse
relationship. People tend to have more empathy for others if
those others are viewed as behaving fairly in social interac-
tions, while the perception of selfishness diminishes empathy
for others (Singer et al., 2006).
Thus, empathy promotes social justice, and in turn, greater
social justice improves empathy. This cyclical relationship rein-
forces the desirability of embedding empathy within our social
policies and social institutions (Morrell, 2010). This research
argues that by encouraging policies of fairness, empathy can
be nourished. Who better to enact, enforce and ensure the
continuation of social justice for all than our government?
However, the debate and controversy over the role of govern-
ment presents a challenge for the social work profession.
Unpacking the Debate over Government Intervention:
A Values Perspective
As previously introduced, the debate over the role of the
97
U.S. government in the welfare of its citizenry is longstand-
ing. It is important to tease out the underlying values within
this debate in order to better understand why empathy may
have value as a tool for enhancing the responsiveness of our
social welfare state. Examination of government intervention
in social welfare raises a number of questions. Who does gov-
ernment help and is that help fair? Does government support
create dependency? And does government intervention protect
people’s rights or impinge on civil liberties? These concerns
often dominate debate on whether to support government in-
volvement in social welfare and, in turn, question the role of
social work.
Who Does Government Help and is That Help Fair?
While public perception may suggest that only the “needy”
get government help, the reality is that most Americans are
beneficiaries of social welfare policies and programs. Mettler
and Koch (2012) analyzed pollster data from the Cornell
Survey Research Institute
on the broad question: “Some
people, when they think through their life experiences,
report that they have at some point used a government
social program.” The majority, 57 percent, responded that
they had never used a government social program. Later
in the survey, the same respondents were asked about their
personal use of any of 21 specific government programs. In
response to this question, 96 percent had used at least one
program, with two thirds of the respondents having used
four or more of these programs. Mettler (2011) argues that
some of these programs are less visible to people and there-
fore submerged and not counted as government support.
This perception often fuels the sense that government
money is disproportionately spent.
Based on actual spending (Congressional Budget Office,
2012), 20 percent of the nation’s annual budget covers Social
Security, another 20 percent is spent on national defense,
Medicare spending is 13 percent, Medicaid is 8 percent, and
the interest on the debt (which keeps the U.S. from default-
ing on its loans) is 6 percent. Taken together, these five items
cover two-thirds of government spending. The other third is
left for everything else government does, including education,
employment services, international affairs, science, space,
Empathy & Attitudes Toward Government Intervention
technology, veterans, agriculture, regulation, transportation,
postal services, and the countless other programs and services
that involve the federal government.
The cost of this “submerged state” is significant. In addi-
tion to the portions of the federal budget dedicated to these
major programs is the lost revenue due to the more invisible
government intervention policies. According to the nonpar-
tisan Congressional Budget Office (2013), exclusions from
taxable income—such as deductions for employer-sponsored
health insurance, mortgage interest paid, and charitable con-
tributions as well as tax credits and preferential tax rates on
capital gains—cost more than $900 billion, or almost 6 percent
of the nation’s gross domestic product. This amount would
pay for all of our national defense and interest on the public
debt or wipe out ten percent of our overall cumulative national
debt in any given year.
Not everything the government does can be quantified
by the annual budget or tax revenue. The federal government
covers homeland security, the safety of driving on the roads
and flying in the air, and the enforcement of the Constitution,
such as protection from racial discrimination and hate crimes.
The federal government also monitors the safety of food
coming into our country and regulates the information across
the airwaves. In modern times, it is impossible to find much in
our lives that is not touched by the federal government.
Does Government Support Create Dependency?
Once we acknowledge that we are all receiving govern-
ment support, the question of dependency becomes less rel-
evant. In a nation with so much diversity, government is one
shared aspect of life. Through the election process, some voters
win and some voters lose, but in the end after an election, ev-
eryone shares the outcome. When we hold government as a
part of us, we can build a sense of community. And a sense
of community can promote numerous prosocial behaviors,
including finding solutions to social problems (Omoto, Snyder,
& Hackett, 2010) and building trust among citizens (Putnam,
1995). In fact, greater collectivism in societies has been found
to have a significant impact on individuals’ well-being, includ-
ing lower levels of anxiety and depressive disorders (Chiao &
Blizinsky, 2010). By definition, collectivist cultures “endorse
98 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
thinking of people as highly interconnected to one another”
(Chiao & Blizinsky, 2010, p. 529).
Conversely, when we hold government as the problem and
distance ourselves from it, we lack that shared sense of com-
munity. Research on childhood experience demonstrates that
children who grow up in more communal societies and fami-
lies are more inclined to invest in community social welfare
than children who grow up in compartmentalized and sepa-
rate communities (Perry, 2002).
Does Government Intervention Protect People’s Rights or Impinge
on Civil Liberties?
One current perspective holds that government interven-
tion, particularly in securing civil rights and protecting people
from discrimination, leads to a loss of individual liberties, but
this perspective is not borne out by history:
There is no record, however, of any oppressive regime
having taken power by advancing on the social welfare
front. Lenin and Stalin, Mussolini, Mao Tse-tung, Fidel
Castro, and Chile’s Pinochet did not consolidate power
by gradually increasing social welfare programs, taxes,
and regulation of the environment or workplace …
Hitler did not become the supreme ruler of the Nazi
state by first taking over the health department.
(Neiman, 2000, pp. 160-161)
In fact, countries that protect minority rights are more
democratic and promote trust among their citizens. Research
on 46 countries over 10 years demonstrates that governments
that protect voting rights and maintain antidiscrimination pol-
icies “produce more trusting citizens” (Smith & Paxton, 2010,
p. 211). Such government intervention facilitates trust between
individuals from different groups (Tilly, 2004). Pinker (2010,
2011) argues that violence subsided and civilization came to
be because of a confluence of several reasons, including the
evolution of an organized state government; a realization that
cooperation is more beneficial than killing; and growth in
empathy. He also believes that our innate empathic tenden-
cies, especially to those with whom we share characteristics or
familiarity, has widened. Thus, Pinker draws together govern-
ment and empathy as a path for greater civilization.
Empathy & Attitudes Toward Government Intervention
99
Social Work Practice and Government Intervention
Direct government employment of social workers numbers
in the tens of thousands (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013). For
example, the Social Security Administration employs more
than 26,000 social workers, while the Veterans Administration
employs over 9,000 (NASW, 2011). The services of the
Department of Health and Human Services are so varied that
it is impossible to get a true count of the number of social
workers employed under that federal agency. These numbers
do not reflect those who work in NGO’s that receive federal
government financial support for programs and local and state
agencies. Given the significant involvement of social workers
in government programs and in implementing government
policies, it is surprising that little research exists on the con-
nection between government and social work.
Social work is a pivot point between the economic market
and the government. On one hand, as Ng (2010) points out, a
professional conflict has been created for the social work pro-
fession promoting altruism in a capitalist system. Ng argues
that social services do not fit well in a market system. On the
other hand, it is only through government intervention that
serious challenges to the profession can be addressed (Ng,
2010). Not only are social workers intricately connected to gov-
ernment intervention through their clients, but also through
their own well-being. However, social workers are often hes-
itant to pursue policy change that may be perceived as self-
serving or to engage in this larger debate overall. This may
be due, in part, to the capitalist ideals of individualism, self-
sufficiency, and minimizing government dependence.
To further complicate the role of social workers in advo-
cating for government intervention, the profession has been
characterized as serving as agents of social control. Government
intervention has been seen as a means of controlling popula-
tions that have traditionally been marginalized in U.S. society
(Abramovitz, 1998). From this perspective, government inter-
vention is regarded as a form of surveillance and control, and
social workers are the agents of the state who implement the
will of those in political and economic power. This reflects a
long-standing professional debate about whether the role of
social workers is to challenge the status quo and work for
100 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
systemic change, or to provide support to help marginalized
communities and populations learn how to adapt to and cope
with the status quo (Abramovitz, 1998). For example, Stojkovic
(2008), in an analysis of the U.S. Patriot Act, raised the issue that
government policies risk involving social workers in practices
that are antithetical to the profession. Some of these policies,
such as detention of noncitizens and treatment of immigrants,
can place social workers as agents of government control and
not as advocates for social justice.
With globalization has come a rise in a climate that pro-
motes individual responsibility. Alston (2002) argues that
social workers have an obligation to promote and advocate for
a collective responsibility that can be modeled by the govern-
ment in a market that has repeatedly failed to ensure the health
and well-being of individuals. Alston argues that it is impor-
tant that social workers turn to professional values such as em-
powerment to engage in the social debate around government
intervention.
Curiously, U.S. social work scholars rarely discuss these
existing debates and conflicts around government interven-
tion. In other parts of the world, research has been conducted
on people’s attitudes toward government support for those in
poverty. As Ng and Koh (2012) state, evidence should be col-
lected so that policies can reflect the wishes and desires of the
general public, rather than those holding the most political,
social and/or financial power. Structurally, what further com-
plicates the position of social workers in the debates around
government intervention in the U.S. and beyond is the limited
control that both service recipients and service providers have
in dictating how social welfare policies are shaped and imple-
mented, particularly with regard to spending cuts (Beresford,
& Croft, 2004). The lack of engagement of those most directly
impacted by social welfare policy decisions can have detri-
mental effects (Fawcett & Hanlon, 2009). The marginalization
of both the profession and our clients underscores the neces-
sity for investigation and analysis of attitudes towards the role
of government in promoting social well-being.
Empathy and Social Work
There is no question that empathy plays a significant role
in the social work profession. Social work educators train
Empathy & Attitudes Toward Government Intervention
101
students to become empathic professionals—in tune with their
own emotional processes, and able to relate to and under-
stand those of their clients. As existing research knowledge of
empathy grows, it is clear that the components of empathy can
be taught. Neural pathways have elasticity, and cognitive pro-
cesses can be developed and enhanced (Long, 2006; Schwartz
& Begley, 2003). Given the role that government interven-
tion has played in the development of the U.S. social welfare
system, it is appropriate that social workers are at the forefront
of exploring the connection between empathy and the govern-
ment policies and structures that increase the well-being of
client groups and communities.
Current Study
This review of government intervention grew out of a
larger study that focused on the development of an instru-
ment to measure social empathy. Social empathy is a key con-
tributor to the establishment of social welfare policies that
promote social well-being and social justice. One key part of
social empathy is the role of government as a facilitator and
provider of civil rights and social services. This research ana-
lyzes whether interpersonal empathy is a significant predictor
of people’s attitudes about social rights and the role of govern-
ment. Further analysis considered whether support for gov-
ernment intervention differed by race, class and gender. More
specifically, we hypothesized that:
H1: Higher levels of interpersonal empathy, as
measured by the Empathy Assessment Index, are
associated with more positive attitudes toward
government intervention with regard to social welfare.
H2: Members of populations that face marginalization
and exclusion, including women, people from poor
or working class families, and people who identify
as members of racial or ethnic groups other than
those of Anglo/White descent, have more positive
attitudes towards government intervention even after
controlling for interpersonal empathy level.
102 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
Methods
Sample
A convenience sample of students from a large southwest-
ern university were invited to participate in the study through
eight Introduction to Social Work courses (5 in-person course
sections and 3 online sections) in the spring semester of 2012.
Students were recruited in a non-randomized fashion. Extra
credit for participation was given to some students at the dis-
cretion of the instructor. Students were emailed a link to the
survey, which was administered through Qualtrics, and were
asked to complete the survey within a week. The study was
approved by the university’s Institutional Review Board. The
sample pool was selected for the larger study purpose of vali-
dating a measure of social empathy.
A total of 490 students participated. Seventeen students
(3.5%) were eliminated due to missing data. The final sample
for this study consisted of 473 participants ranging in age from
18 to 55 years (M = 21.8, SD = 5.1), 70% of whom were between
the ages of 18 and 21. The sample was 59.3% female. Twenty-
six percent were freshman (n = 121), 30.5% were sophomores
(n = 142), 24.5% were juniors (n = 114), 18.5% were seniors (n
= 86), and less than 1% were masters level students (n = 3).
Participants identified more than 40 different academic areas
of primary study, including 5.1% (n = 24) who reported an un-
decided major.
Of those who reported their race/ethnicity, 56.3% were
Caucasian (n = 261), 14.9% were Latino (n = 69), 7.3% were
Asian (n = 34), 6.3% were multiracial (n = 29), and 3.4% were
African American (n = 16). Almost 11% of the participants (n
= 50) identified “other” as their racial or ethnic identity. When
asked to specify, the predominant groups reported included
Arab and Middle Eastern (n = 39; 8.4%). Twenty-five percent
of the participants reported having lived outside of the United
States at one point in their lives. Participants were asked to
identify the class background for their families of origin.
Answer options included poor (n = 16; 3.5%), working class (n
= 98; 21.3%), middle class (n = 182; 39.5%), upper middle class
(n = 136; 29.5%), and wealthy (n = 29; 6.3%).
Empathy & Attitudes Toward Government Intervention
103
Measures: The Empathy Assessment Index (EAI) and Government
Intervention Scale
The EAI is a validated self-report measure of interpersonal
empathy that includes a total of 20 items on a 6-point Likert
scale (1 = never, 2 = rarely, 3 = sometimes, 4 = frequently, 5 = almost
always, 6 = always) (Lietz et al., 2011). Total scores for the EAI
range from 20 to 120 with higher scores indicating greater
levels of interpersonal empathy ( = .84). The EAI is made up
of four components, each with 5 items. The four components
include affective response, self-other awareness, perspective-
taking, and emotion regulation, and are based on a neurosci-
ence approach to understanding the dynamics of the human
empathic response.
Affective response is the physiological response that is
triggered in us when we view the emotional responses of
others, and includes items such as, “Hearing laughter makes
me smile.” Self-other awareness refers to the cognitive ability
to separate another’s emotions from one’s own, and includes
items such as “I can tell the difference between my friend’s
feelings and my own.” Perspective-taking is the component
of empathy most associated with our understanding of em-
pathic responses and refers to an understanding of another’s
experiences that may be causing or creating an individual to
emotionally respond in a specific way. An example of a per-
spective-taking item is “I can imagine what it’s like to be in
someone else’s shoes.” Finally, emotion regulation is the cog-
nitive ability to regulate one’s affective responses to others’
emotions, and includes items such as “When I am upset or
unhappy, I get over it quickly.” Taken together, the Empathy
Assessment Index (EAI) items are a valid tool for measuring
interpersonal empathy.
The government intervention scale consists of four,
self-report items intended to measure attitudes toward the
government intervening in issues around social welfare and
well-being. The items (see Table 1) use the same 6-point Likert
scale described above for the EAI, and as a scale have good
internal consistency ( = .79). Scale scores range from 4 to 24
with higher scores indicating a more positive attitude toward
government intervention around issues of social welfare and
civil rights.
104 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
Table 1. Descriptives for Government Intervention Items and Scale
Item Mean SD
I think the government needs to be a part of
leveling the playing field for people from
different racial groups.
3.83 1.34
I believe government should protect the rights
of minorities.
4.57 1.26
I think it is the right of all citizens to have their
basic needs met.
4.79 1.25
I believe the role of government is to act as
a referee, making decisions that promote the
quality of life and well-being of the people.
4.37 1.24
Government intervention scale ( = .79) 17.55 3.99
Demographic Variables
Because of the substantial number of participants who
identified “other” as their racial or ethnic identity, and the small
subsamples of racial/ethnic groups such as African American
and American Indian, the participants were divided into dom-
inant and non-dominant racial categories. Those identifying
as white/Caucasian or of Anglo descent were categorized as
dominant. Those identifying as a member of any of the other
racial/ethnic groups, or who identified as “other” and speci-
fied as a member of an identity group other than white/Anglo,
were categorized as non-dominant. A dummy variable was
created with “dominant racial group identity” as the reference.
A small number of participants listed “other” as their
family class background (n = 4). When asked to specify, the
participants listed responses including; “single parent” and
“working middle class.” For the purposes of this analysis,
these responses were coded as missing in order to develop an
ordinal scale for the control variable of family class background
using the answer options provided (1 = poor, 2 = working class, 3
= middle class, 4 = upper middle class, and 5 = wealthy).
Analysis
Regression was used to analyze two models. The first
model was a bivariate regression analysis with government
Empathy & Attitudes Toward Government Intervention
105
intervention scale score as the dependent variable, and the
Empathy Assessment Index total score as the independent
variable. A second model used multiple regression to analyze
the predictive value of the EAI score and added control vari-
ables for gender, class background of family of origin, and
racial identity regressed on government intervention score.
Table 2. Multiple Regression Model Summary for Predicting
Attitudes Towards Government Intervention (N = 473)
Model R
2
(adj) B (SE)
b
sr
2
1. Empathy .100 (.097)***
EAI .124 (.018) .315
2. Empathy w/controls .193 (.185)***
EAI .126 (.017) .321 .100***
Gender (male) 1.21 (.368) .147 .020**
Family of origin class -.638 (.193) -.148 .020**
Race (dominant) 1.671 (.365) .205 .039***
Note: *** = p .001; ** = p .01; * = p .05
Results
The dependent variable, attitudes toward government
intervention, was correlated with the independent variable,
interpersonal empathy (r
2
= .317, p < .01). As summarized in
Table 2, interpersonal empathy alone accounted for 9% of the
variance in attitudes toward government intervention. When
the control variables for gender, race, and family of origin class
background were added into the model, the total variance in
government intervention attitudes that was accounted for in-
creased to 18%. All three of the control variables had distinct
contributions toward the overall model, as evidenced by the
semi-partial correlations. Interpersonal empathy accounted for
10% of the variance in attitudes toward government interven-
tion when controlling for gender, family class background, and
racial identity. Each of the identity predictors contributed an
additional 2% (gender and family class background) to just
under 4% (race) over and above that of interpersonal empathy.
Because the control variables are statistically significant,
the second model suggests that attitudes toward government
106 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
107
intervention are more positive for women, participants from
lower class families, and people of color, even after control-
ling for empathy level. This suggests that these groups have
some experience or perspective that has shaped their attitudes
toward government intervention that does not solely draw on
interpersonal empathy.
Discussion
The findings of this study suggest that interpersonal
empathy plays a significant role in people’s attitudes toward
government intervention. What is not known from this study
is the directionality of the relationship. Does interpersonal
empathy create more positive attitudes toward government
intervention, or does a positive attitude about government
intervention increase one’s empathy? Given that previous re-
search has suggested a bi-directional relationship (Singer et al.,
2006), future research should explore this as well as whether
this relationship exists in other populations.
The relationship between empathy and attitudes toward
government intervention suggest that empathic insight into the
experiences of others may support peoples' attitudes toward
making an effort to create policies that support the welfare and
well-being of others. While this may seem obvious, it is impor-
tant to reflect on the fact that empathy can be taught and en-
hanced. It is not a static characteristic. One way that empathy
can be nurtured is through the cultivation of meaningful in-
teractions and relationships between people from different
aspects of society. Some may argue that policymakers will
rarely sit and have a meaningful conversation with those for
whom they are making important decisions. However, we can
use our understanding of empathy to share empathy-build-
ing skills and strategies with not only policymakers but with
community members across our nation. Empathic decision-
making power lies not only in the hands of the elected, but
also in the hands of those who vote or who are engaged at any
level in making their communities better.
In addition to the relationship found between empathy
and attitudes toward government intervention, most strik-
ing in the findings of this study is the fact that the variance
explained doubled when the demographic variables were
Empathy & Attitudes Toward Government Intervention
included in the second model. Although previous studies
suggest that powerlessness is associated with an increased
ability for the brain to mirror the experiences of others—the
physiological underpinnings of empathy—the findings of this
study suggest that experiences of being in groups with less
access to social power have important implications, even after
holding empathy levels constant. This finding suggests that
those who belong to marginalized groups may have unique
experiences and knowledge that impacts their perceptions of
government intervention. Much more research is needed to
further explain this relationship, but given many non-domi-
nant social groups’ negative histories with government inter-
vention, it is important to understand and assess the favorable
attitudes and to understand the kind of interventions that these
groups would find beneficial. At a minimum, social workers
and other human service providers can work to include the
voices of people from marginalized communities at the tables
of decision making bodies and to use their perspectives to help
shape government intervention efforts.
Making these findings publicly known and allowing re-
search such as this study to be entered into the public debate
would benefit social workers as well as those the profession
serves. Such research evidence supports the inclusion of
voices in the dialogue about government intervention in ways
that may support the development of more empathic policy-
making. The findings also provide some direction for social
workers, who often feel unsure about how to impact policy
debates about government intervention. Building empathy,
particularly self–other awareness and perspective taking, is
something that social workers can do—among one another, in
our constituent groups, and with elected officials. Supporting
greater understanding across differences enhances the sense
that “we are all in this together” and government is an exten-
sion of ourselves. It belongs to us all.
Limitations
There are a number of limitations of this exploratory study.
The sample from which the data was collected is limited in
its generalizability. It was a convenience sample of students
taking social work courses at one institution in the southwest-
ern United States. Future research should explore whether the
108 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
relationships found between variables exists in other, broader
populations, as well as outside of a university setting.
In addition, due to the low numbers of participants within
some of the racial and ethnic groups represented within the
sample, the researchers made a decision to not eliminate those
cases but rather to include them by collapsing the sample into a
dichotomous group of dominant and non-dominant based on
the racial structure that exists within U.S. society. The research-
ers acknowledge that this is problematic in some ways, and an
oversimplication of the racial and ethnic experience in the U.S.
However, the researchers were guided by previous research in
the area of perceived racial and ethnic discrimination that ties
the experiences of people to the social group with which they
most identify (Hernandez, 2005; Michelson & Pallares, 2001).
Future research should seek samples that include racial and
ethnic groups of participants large enough to separate. Indeed,
such research may find distinct differences in the relationships
between variables as compared to other non-dominant racial
groups.
Finally, a limitation of this study is the scale items that were
used to assess people’s attitudes toward government interven-
tion around issues of social welfare. These items have not been
validated as a scale beyond the Cronbach’s alpha score that was
identified for this sample. In addition, the response patterns
for the items were skewed positively. This could be a reflection
of the items, or of the sample. Future research should further
validate the measure, including testing it in other populations.
Conclusion
Throughout the history of the United States' social welfare
system, government intervention has played a significant and
pervasive role. Interpersonal empathy contributes to attitudes
toward government intervention. In addition to empathy,
identification as female, poor or working class family back-
ground, and as a member of a non-dominant racial or ethnic
group have a positive relationship with people’s attitudes
toward government intervention related to social well-being.
Further research is needed to explore all of the factors that
impact people’s attitudes and behaviors related to supporting
government intervention, as well as the relationships between
Empathy & Attitudes Toward Government Intervention
109
factors. It is particularly important that social workers and
human service providers understand both the dominant and
non-dominant narratives that shape the attitudes of policy
makers, voters and community members at large. One way to
do this is to engage in efforts to increase empathic insight.
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